What the UN report on October 7 sexual violence does — and doesn’t — say

We now have one of the most definitive sources so far in the contentious discussion about militants from Gaza’s perpetration of sexual violence on October 7.

The UN’s office on sexual violence in conflict released a report Monday finding “reasonable grounds to believe” that militants from Gaza did perpetrate sexual violence during their attack on Israel that day, including rape or gang rape in at least three locations. The report also cautioned that significant further investigation would be necessary to establish how widespread such attacks were.

The 23-page report is based on the findings of a two-week mission of the UN Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (SRSG-SVC). It comes amid a highly contentious dispute about the prevalence of sexual violence on October 7, as well as a low point in the already-strained relationship between the UN and Israel.

Horrific reports of sexual violence — though never firsthand accounts, as some or all of the victims not taken into Gaza as hostages may have been killed during the attack — surfaced in the weeks following the attacks and Israel’s subsequent war in Gaza. Those stories included claims that militants cut off a woman’s breast and gang-raped her, among others. Israel and others condemned the UN for its perceived indifference toward the plight of the alleged victims, but at the same time, authorities have refused to give access to the proper UN bodies that could thoroughly investigate the alleged crimes.

Hamas has consistently denied that its fighters would commit sexual violence, and while it’s true that Hamas was not the only group that participated in the October 7 attacks — Palestinian Islamic Jihad and other militants also took part in the assault — the group’s denial doesn’t mean that some of its members didn’t commit sexual crimes that day. The UN report also found “convincing information” that some of the approximately 100 hostages still in Gaza have been subjected to sexual violence or sexualized torture by their captors.

First, a bit of important context about sexual violence in conflict

Sexual violence is unfortunately far too common in conflict — it is, after all, a form of violence. The study and understanding of what role it plays in war, as well as how it’s defined, documented, and prosecuted, is still fairly new and developing.

And investigating it is often extremely difficult, including in this case. In addition to the stigma in many communities around sex and sexual violence — including among those victimized — it can be difficult to collect evidence while conflict is ongoing, especially if the country or community where the violence occurs doesn’t have the right medical, psychological, and legal infrastructure to address the crimes and also support survivors.

Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) had not, however, been a feature of Palestinian resistance against Israeli occupation, not even during the fairly violent Second Intifada. The novelty of this kind of violence in this context is part of what makes it so shocking and difficult to comprehend.

There is little doubt that some forms of sexualized violence against Israeli women happened on October 7, but as the UN report indicates, it’s impossible to tell at this point how widespread or systematic such violence was. “It’s really important that it be investigated what precisely happened,” Jennie Burnet, director of the Institute for Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies at Georgia State University, told Vox. “Whether it was Hamas soldiers or militants taking their own initiatives, or whether it was planned and systematic, I think that is an important thing to uncover.”

How something so clearly horrific became a controversy

News coverage of the alleged sexual violence picked up in early December, following outcry from activists as well as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over perceived silence from the UN, women’s rights groups, and the media around reports of sexual violence.

The most prominent reporting about the alleged sexual violence appeared in the New York Times on December 28 of last year. The report, written by Jeffrey Gettleman, Anat Schwartz, and Adam Sella, details the story of “the woman in the black dress,” Gal Abdush, as an example of the sexual violence that Hamas and other Palestinian fighters allegedly committed.

The Times story noted that some members of her family “based on the way her body was found, … feared that she might have been raped.” Abdush’s corpse was “sprawled half-naked” about 9 miles from the site of the Nova rave she attended with her husband. But in January, the New York Times shelved an episode of its podcast The Daily, which was supposed to be based on the December story after both internal and external criticism of the reporting underpinning it, according to the Intercept. That criticism extended to the credentials of one of the reporters, Schwartz, who appears to have had little to no journalistic experience prior to reporting for the article and is the partner of Sella’s uncle.

The Intercept also disputed some of the other reporting in the Times that indicated that two teenage girls in Kibbutz Be’eri were victims of sexual violence, citing interviews with family members that contradict the Times’ interview with a paramedic from an Israeli Defense Forces commando unit. The UN team also investigated but could not confirm claims out of this kibbutz (though the Times clarified that reports out of this kibbutz that the UN said were “unfounded” were not those included in the Times’ previous reporting).

“It must be noted that witnesses and sources with whom the [SRSG-SVC] mission team engaged adopted over time an increasingly cautious and circumspect approach regarding past accounts, including in some cases retracting statements made previously,” the report states regarding its finding in Kibbutz Be’eri. ”Some also stated to the mission team that they no longer felt confident in their recollections of other assertions that had appeared in the media.”

Spokespeople from the Times have repeatedly stood by the organization’s reporting. However, the scrutiny of it has continued. In some ways, the debate has become a proxy for the broader public relations struggle between Israeli and Palestinian supporters.

It also illustrates two major themes: First, the investigation into October 7 is happening in a highly polarized environment, and second, CRSV is extremely

SDGs, Targets, and Indicators

SDGs, Targets, and Indicators

1. SDG 5: Gender Equality

• Target 5.2: Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in public and private spheres
• Indicator: Number of women and girls subjected to sexual violence

• Target 16.1: Significantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywhere
• Indicator: Number of incidents of sexual violence in conflict situations

Analysis

1. Which SDGs are addressed or connected to the issues highlighted in the article?

The issues highlighted in the article are connected to SDG 5: Gender Equality and SDG 16: Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions.

2. What specific targets under those SDGs can be identified based on the article’s content?

Based on the article’s content, the specific targets that can be identified are:

• Target 5.2: Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in public and private spheres
• Target 16.1: Significantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywhere

3. Are there any indicators mentioned or implied in the article that can be used to measure progress towards the identified targets?

The article mentions indicators that can be used to measure progress towards the identified targets:

• Number of women and girls subjected to sexual violence
• Number of incidents of sexual violence in conflict situations

Table: SDGs, Targets, and Indicators

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Source: vox.com

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